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    Home»World News

    I don’t believe a single word Trump and Putin say about Ukraine

    Team_NewsStudyBy Team_NewsStudyMarch 19, 2025 World News No Comments8 Mins Read
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    Ever since President Donald Trump returned to workplace and commenced attempting to make good on his boast about ending the Ukraine conflict in days, because of his relationship with Russian President Vladimir Putin, I’ve had this gnawing concern that one thing was misplaced in translation within the bromance between Vlad and Don.

    When the interpreter tells Trump that Putin says he’s able to do something for “peace” in Ukraine, I’m fairly certain what Putin actually stated was he’s able to do something for a “piece” of Ukraine.

    You already know these homophones — they will actually get you in loads of hassle for those who’re not listening fastidiously. Or for those who’re solely listening to what you need to hear.

    The New York Occasions reported that in his two-and-a-half-hour cellphone name with Trump on Tuesday, Putin agreed to halt strikes on Ukrainian vitality infrastructure, in line with the Kremlin, however Putin made clear that he wouldn’t conform to the overall 30-day ceasefire that america and Ukraine had agreed upon and proposed to Russia.

    The Kremlin additionally stated that Putin’s “key situation” for ending the battle was a “full cessation” of overseas navy and intelligence help to Ukraine — in different phrases, stripping Ukraine bare of any means to withstand a full Russian takeover of Ukraine. Extra proof, if anybody wanted it, that Putin isn’t, as Trump foolishly believed, on the lookout for peace with Ukraine; he’s seeking to personal Ukraine.

    All that stated, you’ll pardon me, however I don’t belief a single phrase that Trump and Putin say about their personal conversations on Ukraine — together with the phrases “and” and “the,” as author Mary McCarthy famously stated in regards to the veracity of her rival Lillian Hellman. As a result of one thing has not smelled proper from the beginning with this entire Trump-Putin deal-making on Ukraine.

    I simply have too many unanswered questions. Let me depend the methods.

    For starters, it took Secretary of State Henry Kissinger over a month of intense shuttle diplomacy to provide the disengagement agreements between Israel and Egypt and Israel and Syria that ended the 1973 conflict — and all of these events needed a deal. Are you telling me that two conferences between Trump’s pal Steve Witkoff and Putin in Moscow and a few cellphone calls between Putin and Trump are sufficient to finish the Russian invasion of Ukraine on affordable phrases for Kyiv?

    Trump couldn’t promote a lodge that rapidly — except he was giving it away.

    Wait, wait — except he was giving it away. …

    Lord, I hope that isn’t what we’re watching right here. Message to Trump and Vice President JD Vance: When you promote out Ukraine to Putin, you’ll without end carry a mark of Cain in your foreheads as traitors to a core worth that has animated U.S. overseas coverage for 250 years — the protection of liberty in opposition to tyranny.

    Our nation has by no means so overtly bought out a rustic struggling to be free, which we and our allies had been supporting for 3 years. If Trump and Vance try this, the mark of Cain won’t ever wash off. They may go down in historical past as “Neville Trump” and “Benedict Vance.” Likewise Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Protection Secretary Pete Hegseth and nationwide safety adviser Michael Waltz.

    Why else am I suspicious? As a result of Trump retains saying that each one he needs to do is finish “the killing” in Ukraine. I’m with that. However the best and quickest strategy to finish the killing could be for the facet that began the killing, the facet whose military invaded Ukraine for completely fabricated causes, to get out of Ukraine. Presto — killing over.

    Putin must enlist Trump’s assist provided that he needs one thing greater than an finish to the killing. I get that Ukraine must cede one thing to Putin. The query is how a lot. I additionally get that the one approach for Putin to get the extra-large slice that he needs and the postwar restrictions that he needs imposed on Ukraine — with out extra warfighting — is by enlisting Trump to get them for him.

    Why else am I suspicious? As a result of Trump has left all our European allies on the sidelines when he negotiates with Putin. Excuse me, however our European allies have contributed billions of {dollars} in navy tools, financial assist and refugee help to Ukraine — extra mixed than america, which Trump lies about — they usually have made clear that they’re now able to do much more to forestall Putin from overrunning Ukraine and coming for them subsequent.

    So why would Trump enter negotiations with Putin and never carry our greatest leverage — our allies — with him? And why would he visibly flip U.S. navy and intelligence assist to Ukraine off after which on — after shamefully calling Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy “a dictator”?

    Sorry, that doesn’t scent proper to me, both. What made Kissinger and Secretary of State James Baker significantly efficient negotiators is that they knew how you can leverage our allies to amplify U.S. energy. Trump foolishly provides the again of his hand to our allies, whereas extending an open hand to Putin. That’s the way you quit leverage.

    Leveraging allies — the most important asset that we have now that Putin doesn’t — “is what good statecraft is all about,” Dennis Ross, the longtime Center East adviser to U.S. presidents, advised me.

    “The important thing to good statecraft is understanding how you can use the leverage that you’ve got — how you can marry your means to your goals. The irony is that Trump believes in leverage — however has not used all of the signifies that he has” in Ukraine, stated Ross, the creator of the well timed, and simply revealed, “Statecraft 2.0: What America Must Lead in a Multipolar World.”

    What additionally smells flawed to me is that Trump seems to don’t have any clue why Putin is so good to him. As a Russian overseas coverage analyst in Moscow put it to me just lately: “Trump doesn’t get that Putin is merely manipulating him to attain Putin’s principal objective: diminish the U.S. worldwide place, destroy its community of safety alliances — most significantly in Europe — and destabilize the U.S. internally, thus making the world protected for Putin and Xi.”

    Trump refuses to know, this analyst added, that Putin and Chinese language President Xi Jinping each need to see america boxed in to the Western Hemisphere reasonably than messing round with both of them in Europe or Asia-Pacific — they usually see Trump as their pawn to ship that.

    Lastly, and just about summing up the entire above, it smells to me that Trump has by no means made clear what concessions, sacrifices and ensures he’s demanding from Russia to get a peace deal on Ukraine. And who goes right into a negotiation with no very clear, unwavering backside line when it comes to core American pursuits?

    There are sustainable methods to finish a conflict and hold it ended and there are unsustainable methods. All of it is determined by the underside line — and if our backside line departs basically from that of Ukraine’s and our allies’, I don’t assume they’re going to simply roll over for the Trump-Putin bromance.

    Putin needs a Ukraine with a authorities that’s principally the identical as his neighboring vassal Belarus, not a Ukraine that’s unbiased like neighboring Poland — a free-market democracy anchored within the European Union.

    What sort of Ukraine does Trump need? The Belorussian model or the Polish model?

    I’ve completely little question which one is in Ukraine’s curiosity, America’s curiosity and our European allies’ curiosity. The factor that gnaws at me is that I don’t know what Donald Trump thinks is in his private curiosity — and that’s all that issues now in Trump’s Washington.

    Till it’s clear that Trump’s backside line is what must be America’s backside line — no formal surrendering of Ukrainian territory to Putin, however merely a cease-fire; no membership for Ukraine in NATO, however membership within the European Union; and a global peacekeeping power on the bottom, backed up with intelligence and materials help from the U.S. — colour me very, very skeptical of each phrase Trump and Putin say on Ukraine — together with “and” and “the.”

    Thomas L. Friedman is the overseas affairs New York Occasions Opinion columnist. He joined the paper in 1981 and has received three Pulitzer Prizes. He’s the creator of seven books, together with “From Beirut to Jerusalem,” which received the Nationwide Guide Award.



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